A Chinese company is preparing to begin work on the Nicaragua Interoceanic Canal. Once — and if — the canal is ever finished, it will size up to more than 170 miles (about 275 km) and connect the Caribbean Sea to the Pacific Ocean, with Lake Nicaragua in the middle. It’s a major project — larger than any other geo-engineering project underway in the world. Officially, it’s an opportunity for development championed by Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega. But critics look at the canal as a boondoggle, and a means by which Ortega is developing a long-term relationship with Beijing — and China’s geopolitical interests. The builders of the canal also have important ties with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA).
After being on the backburner for over three decades, The Hague is finally ruling on a spat between Colombia and Nicaragua over a set of islands that includes San Andrés, Providencia, and Santa Catalina in the Caribbean Sea. While Nicaragua will argue that the border between the states should be located between its coast and Colombia’s—and not be defined by the 82nd meridian—there is little chance that Nicaragua will succesfully claim sovereignty over the entire archipelago, and the International Court of Justice’s (ICJ) decision by the end of 2012 will set an important precedent for maritime disputes across Latin America.
Aside from deciding where the new border will be, the real focus of the dispute will center on the inhabitants of the islands, who have chosen for over a century to be part of Colombia. A clear ruling would not only settle the difference between these two countries, but also help encourage long-overdue development and security. This will hopefully allow the islands to enjoy the wealth of the region’s untapped natural resources. It should also act as an important model for other such border disputes when two countries can’t reach a mutual agreement, something ICJ encourages before filing claims at the higher court.
Many countries are not fully recognized by international organizations and other countries. Kosovo, Somaliland and Taiwan are good examples of states that are not recognized internationally. But these states have either de facto autonomy and can sustain themselves or are recognized by a comfortable number of “powerful” countries that allow them to survive on the international stage.
Some other countries, however, are recognized but are also heavily dependent on one country to survive. This is the case with Northern Cyprus, only recognized by Turkey, but also Abkhazia, supported by Russia and only recognized by a handful of states.
Abkhazia is located in the territory of Georgia and, together with South-Ossetia, declared their independence in the 1990s. The territory became the center of international attention during the South-Ossetian war in the summer of 2008. Currently only recognized by Nauru, Nicaragua, Venezuela and, of course, Russia, Abkhazia is also recognized by non-recognized territories such as South-Ossetia and Transnistria. Furthermore, Abkhazia is also part of a group called the UNPO (Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization.)
If we look deeper into the motivations for recognition of Abkhazia, however, we can see beyond the standard political arguments (about the right to self-determination, for example) and into a world where money matters more than political ideals.